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The WKKK (also known as the Women's Ku Klux Klan or Women of the Ku Klux Klan) was one of a number of auxiliaries of the Ku Klux Klan. While most women focused on the moral, civic, and educational agenda of the Klan, they also had considerable involvement in issues of race, class, ethnicity, gender, and religion Template:Harv. Particularly prominent in the 1920s, the WKKK existed in every state but their strongest chapters were in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Arkansas. White, native-born, Protestant women over age 16 were allowed to join the Klan. Women of the Klan differed from Klansmen primarily in their political agenda to incorporate racism, nationalism, traditional morality, and religious intolerance in everyday life through mostly non-violent tactics Template:Harv.


First Wave[]

The first wave of the WKKK began in the mid-1860s, founded by Rosie Chappel, and extended for about ten years. Although women were not participating members, women were often used as a symbol of racial and sexual supremacy protected by the men of the KKK. Template:Harv Some females assisted with sewing Klansmen's costumes and others even let the men borrow their own clothes to serve as a disguise. One of the stated purposes of the Klan in the first wave was that "females, friends, widows, and their households shall ever be special objects of our regard and protection," which only referred to white women. Black and low-class white women, and white women judged as promiscuous were often the victims of rape and assault as Klansmen deemed them to be "lacking in virtue." Template:Harv

Second Wave[]

The second wave of the Klan collapsed rapidly at the end of the decade, a victim of economic depression, internal battles, and financial scandals.

Third Wave[]

Women played a minor role during the third wave which appeared in the late 1960s and early 1970s. KKK members consisted largely of men of the rural South who had little education and money. Much of their violence was aimed at African Americans.Template:Harv Women no longer played a prominent role as they were integrated in to the Ku Klux Klan. Template:Harv

Modern Wave[]

The fourth and "modern" wave emerged in the late 1980s. With women participating as full members of the Klan, they could even serve as leaders and come from a range of social and economic classes. These women could be mothers, employed, and unemployed. The modern wave has been primarily fueled by economic, racial, and religious motives. Template:Harv


During the wave of the 1920s, activism was strongest due to the efforts of women's suffrage. Many members were related to Klansmen. Some women joined the WKKK against the wishes of their husbands who felt it out of their partners' "wifely duty" and a rebellious attempt to increase her political power. Women also joined in an effort to preserve their white Protestant rights as they felt violated by the intrusion of immigrant and African-American voters. The WKKK hired "lecturers, organizers, and recruiters to establish new local chapters" where the KKK was especially successful. Template:HarvSome advertisements appealed to women by asking for their help in restoring America.

Today women are recruited to a much lesser extent than what once existed. Men hold the highest power, strongly limiting the rights of contemporary women in politics and propaganda Template:Harv.

Activities of the WKKK[]

Dissimilar from the KKK, Klanswomen typically worked to strengthen the organization, "led political assaults on non-Klan businesses," and worked to strengthen the base of the Klan. They organized rallies, festivals, and day-long ritual carnivals that involved parading through town, crossburning, and a series of lectures and speeches. They held boycotts against anti-Klan store owners. Klanswomen engaged in a number of rites of passage like Klan wedding services, christening ceremonies, and funeral services. Women the Klan also worked to reform public schools, doing so by distributing Bibles in schools, working to have Catholic teachers fired, and running for positions on school board seats. In an effort to influence politics, Klanswomen would lobby voters and distribute negative reports on non-Klan member candidates Template:Harv.

Conflict amongst Klan members[]

During the second wave, men and women had similar agendas but often faced conflicts regarding distribution of dues. A few situations regarding financial mismanagement and illegal practices were brought to court in Arkansas, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Many men disagreed with allowing women into the clan during the 1920s as they felt it went against the beliefs of the Klan. Klansmen also disliked the ridicule they received from non-Klan members for allowing women to have a voice in politics and bringing them out of the home where they belonged.

Conflict arose during the modern wave regarding gender equity as the Klan adheres to rules of "moral conservatism" like disbelief in divorce and acknowledgment of male authority in politics and in the home. In today's movement, many Klanswomen claim the organization does not support women in their practices and they feel constrained by the limitations set before them by Klansmen. Surprisingly, many women of the modern Klan do not wish their daughters to be a part of it as they feel that despite their commitment to the racist movement, women are not well respected. Template:Harv


  • Blee, Kathleen M. (1991). Women of the Klan. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-07876-4. 
  • Blee, Kathleen (1991). "Women in the 1920's Ku Klux Klan Movement". Feminist Studies, Inc. 17 (1): 57–77. 
  • Blee, Kathleen (2002). "The Gendered Organization of Hate: Women in the U.S. Ku Klux Klan". in Bacchetta, P. & Margaret Power. Right-Wing Women. New York: Routledge. pp. 101–114. ISBN 0415927773. 
  • Feldman, Glen (2003). "Keepers of the Hearth: Women, the Klan, and Traditional Family Values". in Clayton, B. & John Salmond. Lives Full of Struggle and Triumph. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. pp. 150–180. ISBN 0-8130-2675. 
  • Hodes, Martha (Jane 1993). "The Sexualization of Reconstruction Politics". Journal of the History of Sexuality 3: 402–417. 

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